Massachusetts Solar Industry, Utilities and Regulators Reach a Deal on Solar Policy including NEM and SRECs

Posted by Laura Arnold  /   June 22, 2014  /   Posted in solar, Uncategorized  /   No Comments

Massachusetts Solar Industry, Utilities and Regulators Reach a Deal on Solar Policy

Massachusetts Solar Industry, Utilities and Regulators Reach a Deal on Solar Policy

In an era of gridlock and confrontation, stakeholders in solar policy have actually reached a workable deal on NEM and SRECs.

Herman K. Trabish
June 16, 2014

Compromise legislation pertaining to solar policy in Massachusetts has been devised, and it could serve as a template for reforms in other battleground states.

Two important solar policies will change significantly if lawmakers approve the proposal.

Net energy metering (NEM), which provides a retail-rate bill credit to solar owners for electricity their systems send to the grid, will remain in place unaltered, but the cap will be eliminated and ratepayers will have a “minimum bill” instead of the present “monthly charge.”

Solar renewable energy credits (SRECs), which create revenue for solar owners when purchased by utilities to meet state-mandated renewables obligations, will be replaced by a tiered, performance-based incentive system after a six-month period of transition during which both will be available.

The compromise was driven by politics and the marketplace, according to sources involved in the negotiations.

Under existing policies, uncertainty had begun to hamper solar installers. If a cap was to end NEM, the solar value proposition would be diminished. What's more, the state’s SREC market had become unreliably volatile. As Governor Deval Patrick's final term comes to an end, slowing solar growth threatens his legacy-enhancing  target of a 1,600-megawatt installed solar capacity by 2020.

In March, key stakeholders were asked to find “a good long-term framework for solar growth” that would also make the governor’s target statutory, according to Carrie Hitt, SVP of State Affairs for the Solar Energy Industries Association.

Source: GTM Research SREC Market Monitor

A group of stakeholders including Northeast Utilities, National Grid, the New England Clean Energy Council, SEIA, and the Massachusetts Division of Energy Resources worked out the compromise, according to both Hitt and Janet Gail Besser, VP of Policy and Government Affairs for the New England Clean Energy Council.

“The biggest wins are that net metering will now be uncapped for solar and the introduction of performance-based incentives, offering predictable revenue streams paid out over fifteen years,” explained GTM Research Solar Analyst Cory Honeyman. The framework also revises the credit calculation downward for virtual-net-metered systems, which is expected to impact project economics for large ground-mount systems. “Key uncertainties lie in what the performance-based incentives will be set at and what the minimum bill will ultimately be.”

The key to the agreement was that each side got something it wanted, according to several participants in the 90 meetings that took place over three months of negotiation.

“We needed to see the cap on net metering eliminated or somehow adjusted,” Hitt said. “That’s what the solar industry was looking for. The Division of Energy Resources had always said it would revisit its SREC program. The minimum bill is an ask the distribution companies needed.”

Utility representatives “came to the table with open minds,” Hitt said. They were aware of solar’s popularity in Massachusetts but were also concerned about how to pay for the distribution system with increasing levels of distributed generation, increasing use of energy efficiency and demand response, and diminishing load growth.

Northeast Utilities and National Grid participants “didn’t come in with a lot of rhetoric,” Hitt said. “They didn’t come in saying, ‘Solar [is] costing us money.’”

There was no debate over solar’s costs and benefits, Hitt added, only a discussion about “cost recovery from all ratepayers for whatever the value of the distribution system is, in a way that doesn’t discriminate against any customers or discourage new technologies.”

The answer was the minimum bill approach, which, Hitt said, is not an additional cost or charge. “It just says that your bill will not go below a minimum amount.”

It is different than the fixed monthly fee that has been proposed or implemented in other states in response to concerns about infrastructure costs, Honeyman said. “The minimum bill sets a floor. And it only comes into play if a customer offsets enough of his or her monthly bill to fall below the minimum charge."

Some energy efficiency advocates say the minimum bill could discourage efficiency upgrades.

“There is a lot of confusion about the minimum bill,” the New England Clean Energy Council's Besser said. “I would be surprised if it has any impact on most customers’ bills. You do the energy efficiency and then you size your PV system appropriately to your usage. That’s how you save the most money.”

The agreement was, in fact, designed to get systems sized to fit customers’ loads, she said. “Net metering is supposed to be about sizing systems to your own use, not generating electricity to sell back into the grid and make money. That’s not why there is an incentive for solar.”

After the new policies are approved by the legislature, the minimum bill and the tiered performance-based incentive schedule will be established by the Massachusetts Department of Public Utilities in a standard regulatory proceeding.

The compromise agreement is “precedential,” according to Bryan Miller, Sunrun Public Policy VP and President of the Alliance for Solar Choice. "While high-pitched battles between utilities and the solar industry continue across the country, Massachusetts has found a collaborative path forward."

“This will save our ratepayers no less than half a billion dollars,” according to Ronald Gerwatowski, National Grid's SVP of Regulation and Pricing. “In a lot of states, you find solar developers at loggerheads and battling politically with utilities. We think solar is a very good technology, but we want to advance it at a reasonable cost to our customers. We achieved that here.”

TAGS: governor deval patrickmassachusettsnational gridnet energy meteringnet metering capnortheast utilitiesperformance based incentivessolarsolar renewable energy creditssrecs

Setback changes in HB 483 will end new wind farms in Ohio; Ohio renewables hit by “double whammy”

Posted by Laura Arnold  /   June 19, 2014  /   Posted in Uncategorized, wind  /   No Comments

Industry: Setback changes will end new wind farms in Ohio

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Blue Creek Wind Farm in Ohio. (Courtesy Iberdrola Renewables)

Blue Creek Wind Farm in Ohio. (Courtesy Iberdrola Renewables)

With little discussion or fanfare, Ohio legislators have essentially put a stop to new wind farms in the state, industry experts say.

Governor John Kasich signed House Bill 483 on Monday, just days after signing another bill that freezes and alters Ohio’s renewable energy and energy efficiency standards. HB 483 includes revised setback provisions that will likely make new projects economically unfeasible.

The bill “basically zones new wind projects out of Ohio,” says Eric Thumma, Director of Policy and Regulatory Affairs for Iberdrola Renewables, Inc.

Iberdrola’s Ohio wind farm projects include the 304 MW Blue Creek Wind Farm in Van Wert and Paulding County. About ten of its Ohio projects are fully permitted, but not yet constructed. The new law lets already-permitted projects continue, but only if no amendments to the permit become necessary.

Two additional projects in Putnam County and Van Wert County have not yet been permitted. Those probably will not go forward as a result of HB 483.

“It would take one of the projects from 50 turbines to 7, and another project from 75 to 3,” says Thumma. “The economics are not going to work if you have such reduced projects.”

Last-minute setback

For any new commercial wind farms, HB 483 will now require a setback of 1,125 feet from the tip of a turbine’s blades to the nearest property line. In practice, that will require setbacks of about 1,300 feet from each turbine’s base.

The new law makes an exception for existing facilities and ones that had already gotten permits. For those projects, the Ohio Power Siting Board measured the 1,125-foot setback to the outer wall of the “nearest, habitable, residential structure” on neighboring property. Otherwise, property line setbacks were roughly 550 feet.

HB 483 is part of Kasich’s mid-biennium budget review, and most of the law deals with tax cuts, spending for social programs, and other matters. An earlier version of the bill would have doubled the maximum penalties for violations of gas pipeline rules. The Ohio House Finance Committee deleted that provision.

The wind setback provision appeared for the first time when the Ohio Senate Finance Committee reported the bill out in May.

“There was literally no public testimony” on the new setback provision, says Dayna Baird Payne. The Columbus lobbyist represents the American Wind Energy Association, as well as Iberdrola.

“They didn’t consult with industry. They didn’t consult with the Ohio Power Siting Board, who sites wind farms in Ohio,” Payne adds.

Indeed, the Ohio Senate spent barely ten minutes discussing the last-minute changes before passing the bill on May 21.

“A provision like this to change the setbacks will significantly hurt those projects in the pipeline and will significantly hurt jobs in Ohio,” protested state Sen. Mike Skindell, a Democrat from suburban Cleveland.

Issues regarding setbacks should be “debated [in] a reasonable manner, not just tucked away without any public discussion in a bill,” Skindell continued. “I’m dumbfounded.”

“Here we’re going to have a quarter-mile setback from a property line…for wind turbines,” Skindell added. “We only have a 100- or 200-foot setback for an oil or gas well being drilled next to a home.”

In response, Cincinnati-area Republican State Senator Bill Seitz railed against turbines’ noise, the possibility of snow being thrown from blades, and flicker that “would mess up even Tiger Woods’ game.”

“We are conforming setback law for wind turbines, making them play by the same rules that everybody else plays by,” Seitz insisted. “We are still being very friendly to the future development of wind farms in Ohio.”

Wind energy experts disagree.

‘Devastating’ and ‘cost-prohibitive’

“It’s really a bill that has the effect of making wind an uneconomic resource in Ohio,” Thumma says.

“It does kill all future wind development in the state of Ohio,” agrees Payne. Until now, Ohio has had two setbacks for wind turbines—one from property lines and one from residences or “habitable structures.”

Compared to other states, the property line setback was “right in the middle of the pack,” Payne says. With one unusual exception, though, Ohio’s setback from residences was “the toughest in the country.”

Now HB 483 “takes the residential structure setback where we’re the toughest in the country and applies it to property lines,” Payne says. That more than doubles the property line setbacks and in some cases increases them “almost threefold.”

If HB 483’s setback had applied to the Blue Creek Wind Farm, only about a dozen of its 152 wind turbines could have been built.

“You can’t lease that much land for only 12 turbines,” Payne says. “It would be cost prohibitive.”

“These are large capital projects,” stresses Thumma. To justify that expense, wind farms need sufficient turbines to produce enough electricity so they can make a profit.

Figuring out where to place each turbine is already a challenge. “First of all, it has to be windy at that site,” explains Thumma. “Even within hundreds of yards of each other, wind can be slightly better than at other locations.”

“You have to maximize that within the concept of public safety” and other factors, Thumma continues. That means accounting for general safety, possible ice throw, sound levels, and potential flicker effects. Analyzing all those factors requires substantial studies and engineering.

With additional setbacks from property lines, the siting job becomes “essentially impossible,” says Thumma. “You’re talking millions of dollars that’s been invested in all these projects that would be unrecoverable.”

Commercial wind farm developers aren’t the only ones who will lose out. Projects often use local labor to build and maintain equipment.

“This is a job killer,” Skindell said when he tried to get the provisions removed from HB 483.

Ohio farmers will lose money too. Wind energy companies generally place turbines on agricultural land leased from rural farmers. In return, each farmer gets guaranteed income.

“It takes about an acre out of production, and they’re getting a lease payment,” explains William Spratley, executive director of Green Energy Ohio. “That’s a true cash crop to the farmer to be paid that.”

Local communities will also miss out on tax money from wind energy developers. “That money largely supports schools,” Spratley says. Limits of future wind development will prevent more strapped school districts from getting that “huge boon.”

‘A double whammy’

Last Friday Kasich also signed Senate Bill 310 into law. The bill freezes Ohio’s clean energy law for two years and then dramatically changes the renewable energy and energy efficiency standards.

Kasich signed SB 310 despite opposition from multiple consumer, business, and environmental groups. The Office of the Ohio Consumers’ Counsel and the Ohio Manufacturers Association both predicted that the “inevitable outcome” of SB 310 “will be higher electricity costs for businesses and residential customers.”

Getting hit with the new wind setbacks plus the overall impacts of Senate Bill 310 is “kind of a double whammy,” says Spratley.

Among other things, SB 310 eliminates the in-state requirement for renewable energy. The law also broadens the scope of what counts under the standards.

Both changes will likely lower demand for Ohio-based wind energy and other forms of renewable energy.

“You would have Ohio ratepayers paying for existing resources in other states and not getting any benefit for it,” Thumma says.

Moreover, it’s not clear whether even the relaxed standards will kick back in after the two-year freeze.

SB 310 sets up an Energy Mandates Study Committee. However, the law defines the committee’s tasks narrowly. And it announces an intent to pass future legislation to reduce “the costs of future energy mandates, if there are to be any.”

Even if the freeze is just temporary, the uncertainty will disrupt business planning. That will increase the business risks for existing and planned clean energy projects. Potential new projects will become even more uncertain.

The uncertainty “over time is just going to dampen investment,” says Thumma. Ohio will become “just too risky a place” for companies to invest millions in capital resources.

The freeze, the study committee, and other provisions send “a signal that renewables aren’t going to happen in Ohio—certainly in the near term and under the structure of SB 310,” Thumma says.

“It’s the worst possible law you could write,” Thumma adds.

Green Energy Ohio is a member of RE-AMP, which publishes Midwest Energy News.

IPL parent company AES sells solar projects

Posted by Laura Arnold  /   June 19, 2014  /   Posted in Uncategorized  /   No Comments

Solar power

SunEdison acquires 50% interest in Silver Ridge Power, solar power projects

SunEdison (NYSE: SUNE) will purchase a 50 percent ownership stake in Silver Ridge Power LLC from a subsidiary of the AES Corp.

[Editor's note: Indianapolis Power and Light (IPL) is an operating subsidiary of AES.]

Through the transaction, SunEdison will own half of a portfolio of solar power projects totaling 336-MW of capacity in various stages of development in the U.S., Europe and India at a value of $165 million. The deal also includes a 40 percent interest in the 183-MW Tenaska Imperial Solar Energy Center West, which is to be completed in 2016. The remaining 50 percent share of Silver Ridge Power will continue to be held by an affiliate of Riverstone Holdings LLC.

SunEdison also has an option to acquire AES’ 50 percent ownership in 130 MW of solar PV projects in Italy for an additional $42 million by August 2015. This agreement does not include the sale of AES’ 50 percent stake in the remaining 55 MW of solar PV projects in Puerto Rico and Spain.

Once the Tenaska project is complete, SunEdison will acquire Riverstone’s share in the project and to contribute a total of a 40 percent interest in Tenaska to SunEdison’s yieldco subsidiary in 2016. After the deal closes, Riverstone and SunEdison expect the joint venture to contribute the 266-MW Mt. Signal solar project in California to SunEdison’s yieldco subsidiary.

Regulatory approvals are expected in late June 2014.

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SunEdison +1.5% AH on deal to own half of Silver Ridge Power • 5:19 PM 6/17/14

  • SunEdison (SUNE) is buying AES' 50% stake in Silver Ridge Power (SRP) for an undisclosed sum. The deal gives SunEdison 50% ownership of 336MW of operating solar projects, and 40% ownership of a 183MW CA solar project to be finished in 2016. (PR)
  • The remaining 50% stake in SRP will continue to be owned by Riverstone Holdings. But Riverstone and SunEdison expect SRP to contribute a 266MW operating CA solar project in its possession to SunEdison's TerraForm Power (TERP) YieldCo unit.
  • SunEdison also expects to buy Riverstone's share of SRP's interest in the 183MW project, and to contribute a 40% interest in the project to TerraForm in 2016.
  • Earlier: Solar stocks jump following SolarCity, Yingli news

Read comments

AES price at time of publication: $14.56. Check AES price now »

DOES DISRUPTIVE COMPETITION MEAN A DEATH SPIRAL FOR ELECTRIC UTILITIES?

Posted by Laura Arnold  /   June 18, 2014  /   Posted in Uncategorized  /   No Comments

Utilities Could Go The Way Of The Streetcar, Or Mimic One Industry That Survived

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Jeff McMahon
Jeff McMahon, Contributor

Unless electric utilities provide new services that customers want, they may go the way of the streetcar, which once ruled America’s cities but relied on regulators for protection from competition, according to a new paper from the nonprofit Energy Center.

Another industry offers a better model for surviving competition, writes Steve Kihm, director of market research and policy at the Energy Center of Wisconsin, with coauthor Elisabeth Graffy, in the spring 2014 issue of the Energy Law Journal (pdf).

“The way to survive a competitive onslaught is to offer customers something they want, not redesign pricing for the same service they have had for years,” said Kihm, who is speaking on the topic this week at the RE-AMP Annual Meeting in Chicago.

Streetcars offer a cogent example. They met most public transit needs in cities in the early 20th Century, serving 14 billion riders in 1920.

But in the next decade, buses and private automobiles devoured 35 percent of that ridership, and except for a brief recovery prompted by gasoline rationing in World War II, streetcars spiraled toward decline. By 1960, almost all streetcar utilities had stopped operating.

“Over this transition period, the streetcar utilities showed no real signs of innovation, essentially offering the same service to customers in 1950 as they had in 1920,” Kihm said—but appealing to regulators to reimburse their legacy infrastructure costs.

Some utilities have signaled a similar approach to the “death spiral” spurred by increasingly inexpensive rooftop solar.

“We’re faced right now with words like death spiral, and what that really means to ComEd is—it’s not going to happen soon, but think Eastman Kodak, think Smith-Corona, and you can go down the list of industries that didn’t adapt technologically,” said Tom O’Neil, senior vice president for regulatory and energy policy and general counsel for ComEd, an Exelon company.

But many are leaning on regulators to throw them a life preserver:

“You have to come up with a regulatory model that ensures you’re going to be able to preserve the integrity of the system,” said Ross Hemphill, the vice president of regulatory policy and strategy for ComEd.

Streetcars serve as a particularly cogent example because their plight resulted in a Supreme Court ruling that influences utility regulation today. In Market Street Railway v. Railroad Commission, the Supreme Court found that protections ordinarily afforded to utilities—such as the right to raise capital through reasonable rates, said Kihm, do not apply to utilities under intense competition.

“When markets enter a truly disruptive phase, the institutional provision utilities cherish the most—the right to be afforded a reasonable opportunity to earn a fair rate of return on their invested capital—may disappear,” Kihm said. “Utilities might not be able to attract investment capital, limiting their ability to function. Once a utility gets to this point, its ability to adapt would be essentially non-existent.”

Instead of following the trailed blazed by the streetcar utility, electric utilities might want to follow the model of the cable television industry. Facing intense competition from satellite television services, cable companies increased revenue by offering internet and telephone services, Kihm said.

Ohio Sen. Bill Seitz sent gloating email to opponents of SB 310; Really?

Posted by Laura Arnold  /   June 17, 2014  /   Posted in Uncategorized  /   No Comments

District 8 - Bill Seitz

Ohio Sen. Bill Seitz is chairman of the Senate Public Utilities Commission.

Jun 16, 2014, 2:51pm EDT UPDATED: Jun 16, 2014, 3:36pm EDT

Seitz ‘spiking the ball’ with caustic email, S.B. 310 opponents say

Reporter-Columbus Business First

Ohio Sen. Bill Seitz is known for his blunt speech. But an email the Cincinnati Republican sent to renewable energy backers has them accusing Seitz of unprofessionalism and unnecessary gloating.

Seitz counters that the memo is constructive criticism for those whose opposition to alter Ohio’s energy mandates has not worked.

Seitz sent the email to about a dozen opponents of Senate Bill 310, mostly lobbyists for renewable and environmental groups, a few hours after Gov. John Kasich signed the two-year renewable and energy-efficiency freeze Friday. The message begins with congratulations on “hard-fought but ultimately (from your perspective) unsuccessful efforts” to derail the freeze, then admonishes the recipients for a “Nancy Reagan approach (Just Say No)” to Seitz’s Senate Bill 58, a precursor to S.B. 310 that Seitz thought could pass earlier this year.

Seitz, chairman of the Senate Public Utilities Commission, wrote that opponents’ temporary success in stopping his bill resulted in a two-year freeze that “serves the interests you represent less suitably than did S.B. 58 in its final form. So, thank you for being obstinate.”

Politics can be callous, but Seitz’s letter is unique, several recipients told me.

“He’s spiking the ball in the end zone,” said Jack Shaner, senior director of legislative and public affairs at the Ohio Environmental Council. “Even Bo Schembechler wouldn’t have sunk that low.”

Seitz told me he’s sent similar messages to opponents before. And with a committee soon to be formed during the freeze to review the current renewable and energy-efficiency rules, he said he wanted opponents to “consider something other than saying no to everything.”

“From my perspective, S.B. 58 might have been better off for you guys compared to what you ended up with,” Seitz told me.

Some opponents say the email and its attachment ( see them both here) – a “scorecard” that compares elements of his bill and the freeze – is Seitz taking credit for the freeze. Seitz said he’ll take some credit, but it isn’t his bill.

Seitz spends a paragraph discussing the compromise that would have shortened the freezeby a year. It wasn’t adopted, and Seitz wrote that while he didn’t think the bill was “substantively serious in any respect,” compromise supporters should have tried to “work with the bill sponsor, committee chair, or leadership (or even all three!).”

“We tried – they didn’t return our calls,” said Lou Blessing, former Republican Speaker Pro Tempore and now a lobbyist for energy efficiency companies. Blessing did not get the memo but has seen it. “We could never get them in the room with us. He’s asking us to do something that we tried, and it didn’t work.”

Seitz’s memo concludes by telling opponents that their strategy going forward is up to them.

“You get paid to develop it, not me. But from where I sit, what you have done to date begs the question, ‘How’s that workin’ out for ya?’”

Neil Clark, who now lobbies for wind industry companies and received the Seitz memo, has worked for 34 years in Ohio politics. He said he’s never seen a senator treat people who have testified against the bill or lobbyists with such contempt.

Seitz is no stranger to blunt or sarcastic speech. In January, he compared the mandates to Stalinism. He doesn’t understand why those who got the memo are upset.

“Hopefully they’ll take it to heart and have a more constructive relationship,” Seitz told me. “Someone doing an objective review of what happened would say, ‘Geez, it didn’t work out too good for you folks.’ ”

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